MRS > Office of Migration & Refugee Policy > Immigration Policy for the 21st Century: The Case for Legalization of Undocumented Immigrants
by
Walter Ewing
Policy Analyst
This Migration and Refugee Services staff paper highlights the Church's interest in proposals to
grant legal status to undocumented immigrants currently residing in the United States. It reflects the
perspective of Catholic social teaching relating to undocumented immigrants and presents arguments
in favor of a legalization program. This paper is being used by the Bishops' Committee on Migration
to further consider public policy initiatives and has been issued with the expressed approval of the
chairman.
Mark D. Franken
Executive Director
The author wishes to thank Kevin Appleby, Connie Combs, and Rocio Salvador for their assistance
in the drafting of this paper.
March 2002
- Immigrants were not responsible for the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks;
- Legalization would enhance national security by bringing undocumented immigrants "in from the
shadows," thereby allowing the government to keep better track of who is in the United States;
- National security is not effectively enhanced by trying to stop people from coming to the United States,
but by improving the effectiveness of background checks on those who do.
- Legalization would benefit immigrants who were contributing to the U.S. economy long before the most
recent recession began and who were disproportionately hurt by its effects.
- Given that most immigrant families are of "mixed status," containing at least one child who is a U.S.
citizen and one parent who is not a citizen, policies which target undocumented immigrants inevitably
impact U.S.- citizen children.
- Current limits on family reunification actually encourage undocumented immigration by imposing upon
the spouses and children of lawful permanent residents at least a 5-year wait in reuniting with their loved
ones;
- Legalization could benefit both those immigrants who have been waiting in line for visas and those
without documentation.
- A comprehensive legalization program would establish a legalization process, rather than a blanket
"amnesty";
- By taking account of the economic forces and the family and community ties that drive immigration in
the first place, an effective legalization program would reduce undocumented migration over time.
- Undocumented immigrants from Mexico alone contributed between $154 billion and $220 billion to the
Gross Domestic Product of the United States in 2000;
- Undocumented immigrants paid up to $20 billion in Social Security taxes between 1990 and 1998.
- Immigrants paid $80,000 per person more in taxes during their lifetimes than they received in public
benefits as of 1998;
- Due to immigrants' younger age profile compared to the "native" population, immigrants will contribute
up to $500 billion to Social Security from 1998 to 2022.
- The undocumented status of many workers is a principal reason for low pay and poor work conditions
in industries with large numbers of immigrant workers.
- Remittances to Latin America and the Caribbean from immigrants, primarily those living in the United
States, totaled $20 billion in 2000.
- U.S. immigration policy runs counter to U.S. economic policies, such as NAFTA, that facilitate migration.
The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have changed
dramatically the nature of the debate over immigration in the United States. Any proposal to reform
the U.S. immigration system is now analyzed in terms of whether it increases or lessens the chance
that foreign terrorists might enter the country. As a result of this heightened concern over national
security, proposals to grant legal status to undocumented immigrants living and working in the
United States - which gained considerable momentum prior to September 11 - have been thrown into
uncertainty. In addition, the recession which struck the nation shortly before the attacks, and
deepened immediately afterwards, reinvigorated the debate over the impact of immigrants on the
U.S. economy, particularly the job market.
Lawmakers and activists who have long advocated highly restrictionist immigration policies seized
upon the September 11 attacks and the recession as alleged proof of the dangers inherent in
immigration. The restrictionist camp has even portrayed undocumented immigrants as a threat to
national security, even though the September 11 hijackers entered the United States on legitimate
temporary visas. Restrictionists also claim that the recession and corresponding increase in
unemployment proves that the U.S. economy does not need immigrant labor and that immigrants
"steal" jobs from "natives."
Upon close examination, these claims carry little weight. To begin with, immigrants were not
responsible for the September 11 attacks. The terrorists entered as temporary visitors, not permanent
residents. Immigrants to the United States come to build better lives for themselves and their
families by sharing in U.S. society, not tearing it down. The Oklahoma City bombing of 1995 serves
as a reminder that the threat of terrorism does not lie with people of any particular color, faith, or
nationality. Just as the perpetrators of the Oklahoma City bombing did not act on behalf of U.S.
"natives," neither did the terrorists of September 11 carry out their attacks as representatives of
immigrants, Arabs, or Muslims. Furthermore, legalization of undocumented immigrants would
enhance national security by bringing them above ground, thereby allowing the government to keep
better track of who is in the United States. In addition, legalization would benefit immigrants who
are already part of the U.S. economy and who were among the hardest hit by the recession that began
in the spring of 2001.
Policymakers and experts of all political stripes have spoken out against the scapegoating of
immigrants in the wake of the September 11 attacks. New York Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani,
speaking before delegates to the United Nations General Assembly's Special Session on Terrorism
on October 1, 2001, pointed out that the September 11 attacks should not be interpreted as part of
a struggle between U.S. "natives" and immigrants. He observed that on
"September 11th, 2001, New York City...was viciously attacked in an unprovoked
act of war...innocent men, women, and children of every race, religion, and ethnicity
are lost. Among these were people from 80 different nations...Like the victims of the
World Trade Center attack, we are of every race, religion, and ethnicity. Our
diversity has always been our greatest source of strength. It's the thing that renews
us and revives us in every generation - our openness to new people from all over the
world." (1)
Similarly, James Ziglar, Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), offered
a plea not to equate the September 11 hijackers with immigrants in general. During a hearing of the
Senate Immigration Subcommittee on October 17, 2001, he commented that the "issue we are facing
in the country today is not an issue about immigration. It's an issue about evil. The hijackers were
not immigrants. They were nonimmigrants. They were visitors to our country, who came here to
do evil." (2)
Daniel Griswold, Associate Director of the Cato Institute's Center for Trade Policy Studies, observed
in a September 28, 2001, opinion piece that it "would be a national shame if, in the name of security,
we were to close the door to immigrants who come here to work and build a better life for
themselves and their families. Like the Statue of Liberty, the World Trade Center towers stood as
monuments to America's openness to immigration." (3)
The perpetrators of the September 11 attacks made no distinctions among their victims in terms of
color, religion, national origin, or legal status. Arabs, Muslims, and immigrants from every part of
the globe died alongside "whites," Christians, and the native born. Attempting to demonize any of
these groups as somehow responsible for the attacks is not only completely inaccurate, but belittles
the suffering endured by many victims and their families.
As the United States enters its fourth century and a new millennium, it is incumbent upon lawmakers
to review U.S. policy toward immigration, upon which our nation was built, and to fashion a
long-term national policy which balances legal immigration against the need to maintain the integrity
of our national borders. Primary among the many considerations within this area is the need to
address the growing number of undocumented immigrants.
The Jubilee Year of 2000 and beyond has given policymakers an opportunity to reexamine the status
of those immigrants in the United States who contribute to our society, but who do not enjoy
permanent legal status and the benefits that come with such status. The commitment to justice for
these immigrants, who have contributed to our nation both economically and socially, is an important
aspect of celebrating the Jubilee year. As an example of how nations might put the "forgiveness and
reconciliation" of the Jubilee into practice, Pope John Paul II has said that a "significant gesture
would certainly be one in which reconciliation, a genuine dimension of the Jubilee, is expressed in
a form of amnesty for a broad group of these immigrants who suffer the tragedy of precariousness
and uncertainty more than others, namely, illegal immigrants." (4)
Legalization is a matter of justice. Until authentic human development is achieved in what is now
the developing world, individuals will migrate in order to improve their condition. Indeed, those
who come to the United States in an undocumented status come largely to seek a better life for
themselves and their families, or simply to survive. While the Church does not advocate
undocumented immigration into the United States, it affirms "the human dignity of the
undocumented who live within our midst and makes every effort to ensure that their basic needs are
met and that their human rights are not trampled upon." (5)
Further, the Church recognizes the right of the individual to seek work in order to support a family.
In the encyclical Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, John Paul II underscores the need to balance the rights of
nations to control their borders with basic human rights, especially the right to work. If this right
cannot be exercised in one's country of origin, then principles of international solidarity should be
considered: "Interdependence must be transformed into solidarity based upon the principle that the
goods of creation are meant for all." (6) Underlying this principle is the notion that "no one can say that
he is not responsible for the well-being of his brother or sister." (7)
Until such time as the global community effectively addresses the root causes of undocumented
migration, individual nations must confront the presence of undocumented immigrants in a manner
which upholds the dignity and basic human rights of all immigrants, regardless of their legal status.
Legalization provides one method for achieving this goal which benefits both the individual and the
larger society. The U.S. Catholic bishops acknowledge this reality in their November 2000
statement, Welcoming the Stranger Among Us: Unity in Diversity: "We bishops commit ourselves
and all the members of our church communities to continue the work of advocacy for laws that
respect the human rights of immigrants and preserve the unity of the immigrant family...We join with
others of good will in a call for legalization opportunities for the maximum number of
undocumented persons, particularly those who have built equities and otherwise contributed to their
communities." (8)
Legalization protects the undocumented immigrant and the temporary legal worker from exploitation
in the workplace. In his encyclical, On Human Work, John Paul II articulates the Church's concern
for the foreign worker: "Immigration in search of work must in no way become an opportunity for
financial and social exploitation as regards the work relationship: the same criteria should be applied
to immigrant workers as to all other workers in society concerned." (9) Especially for the
undocumented farmworker, legalization would provide the full protection of labor and wage laws
and help prevent the depression of U.S. labor standards and wages in the agricultural industry as a
whole. For both the undocumented and temporary workers, legalization provides stability by
providing a guarantee to employers that employees will not be suddenly deported and by allowing
employees to plan for the needs of their families through long-term employment.
In his speech to the Fourth World Congress of the Pastoral Congress on Migrants and Refugees,
Pope John Paul II called for a general amnesty worldwide for illegal immigrants and for a renewed
focus on the problem of world migration and the movement of peoples. The Church calls on U.S.
policymakers to accept this call for a reexamination of this vital issue and its impact both nationally
and globally. An important gesture toward a revitalized immigration policy in the new millennium
would be the extension of legalization to undocumented immigrants.
During the year prior to the September 11 attacks, the possibility of a large-scale legalization
program for undocumented immigrants living in the United States, particularly Mexicans, had been
the primary focus of the national immigration debate. The debate was fueled by high-level
discussions on immigration and border policies between the U.S. and Mexican governments,
initiated in February 2000 by President Bush and President Vicente Fox. In the course of this debate,
a powerful coalition of labor unions, business associations, immigrant advocates, religious groups,
and political strategists emerged in favor of some sort of legalization program. (10)
Proponents, including the U.S. Catholic bishops, emphasized that legalization would yield numerous
benefits both for immigrants and the United States. Legalization would preserve the unity of
families containing both undocumented and U.S.-citizen members, and enhance the welfare of
U.S.-citizen children born to immigrant parents who are undocumented. It would maintain the
economic contributions of undocumented immigrants in particular, and all immigrants in general,
most notably their immense contribution to the Social Security trust fund at a time when the "baby
boom" generation is retiring. Legalization would improve wages and working conditions in
industries with large numbers of immigrant workers. It would promote economic development and
political stability, and thus reduce migratory pressures, in Mexico and Central America through the
continued flow of remittances sent by immigrants living in the United States. And legalization
would bring U.S. immigration policy in line with U.S. economic policies, such as the North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), that encourage the movement of people across borders.
President Bush expressed views such as these during an August 24, 2001, press conference when he
commented that "family values do not stop at the Rio Bravo. There are people in Mexico who have
got children who are worried about where they are going to get their next meal from...they're willing
to walk across miles of desert to do work that some Americans won't do...And we've got to respect
that..." (11) On September 4, 2001, Bush also emphasized the need to "understand that the Mexican
worker has had a positive impact on the U.S. economy and that there ought to be some normalization
process." (12)
These sentiments received a wide public airing on the editorial pages of major newspapers across
the country prior to the September 11 attacks. An August 23, 2001, Washington Post editorial
pointed out that "millions of illegal immigrants fill jobs that are critical to the American economy
and send home earnings that are vital to their native countries. It's right to bring those workers out
of the shadows, where their status leaves them vulnerable to exploitation." (13) Chicago Tribune
editors argued on August 6, 2001, that "human compassion and fairness - as well as the United
States' historic willingness to embrace new citizens - dictate that people who have been working
here for a certain number of years, contributing to the economy, perhaps even marrying and raising
a family, and have stayed out of legal trouble, ought to have a chance to legalize their status." (14) New
York Times editors noted on July 23, 2001, that although they previously opposed any legalization
program for undocumented Mexicans in the United States, they "believe that growing
interdependence of the American and Mexican economies and the installation of a reform
government in Mexico permit the adoption of new border policies," including some form of
legalization. (15)
Opponents of legalization countered that any plan to "regularize" the status of undocumented
immigrants would encourage even higher levels of unauthorized immigration, to the detriment of those immigrants who have been "waiting in line" to enter legally, by sending a message to other
countries that U.S. laws can be flouted with impunity. Legalization opponents maintain that this
would result in greater economic costs to U.S. society as more immigrants consume public resources
and take jobs from "natives." The rhetoric of opponents became particularly alarmist in the wake
of the 2000 Census, which revealed that the number of undocumented immigrants in the United
States stood at about 8.7 million, an increase of nearly 5 million since 1990. (This increase was due
not just to increased immigration, but to greater efforts during the 2000 Census to reach traditionally
undercounted minority groups that were missed in the 1990 Census. (16)) About 44 percent, or 3.9
million, of undocumented immigrants in 2000 were from Mexico. (17)
Upon close examination, the arguments of legalization opponents have proven to be unsubstantiated.
The notion that a legalization program would automatically open the flood gates and harm those who
have "played by the rules" ignores that a gradual legalization process, undertaken as part of more
comprehensive immigration reform, would likely have the opposite effect. Furthermore, the
simplistic labeling of undocumented immigrants as "lawbreakers" and "job stealers" has little
credibility considering the role of U.S. economic policies such as NAFTA in promoting migration;
the heavy dependence of many U.S. industries on undocumented workers; and the fact that most
border-crossers are fleeing poverty and unemployment.
Although talk of legalization briefly ground to a halt in policymaking circles immediately after the
September 11 attacks, it has since resurfaced. In an effort to refocus the immigration debate on
legalization in the post-September 11 era, and to emphasize that legalization presents no threat to
national security or to the U.S. economy, Senate Majority Leader Thomas Daschle (D-SD) and
House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-3rd/MO) traveled to Mexico to meet with President
Vicente Fox on November 17, 2001. During a press conference following the meeting, Gephardt
noted that "we must not let the terrorists who took advantage of our open society stall progress for
immigrants who pay taxes and contribute to our country in so many ways." (18) He also pointed out
that "if you are regularizing status, you are also understanding the people you are dealing with are
not terrorists." He observed that those benefitting from regularization are "people who have been
in the United States for a long time, paid taxes, obeyed the laws and been very good citizens." (19) The
day following the meeting with Fox, the two Congressmen toured villages in the central Mexican
state of Puebla. During the trip, Daschle promised listeners that "we want to ensure that those people
who have come from Puebla to the Northeast and want to stay in the United States as citizens can
do so." (20)
In considering the arguments of legalization opponents, it is important to maintain a sense of
historical perspective on the immigration debate, particularly in a nation of immigrants such as the
United States. One hundred years ago, Irish and Italian immigrants who arrived in the United States
were widely viewed as members of distinct "races" different from that of the native-born. Today,
these same groups are generally not subject to such racial categorizations. (21) The definition of
"Hispanic" is similarly malleable, given that it encompasses peoples of many different ethnicities
and national origins, and particularly since Hispanic influence in western and southwestern states
predates the annexation of those areas by the United States. Finally, the realities of globalization,
in which economies and societies around the world are becoming ever more interdependent, demand
an immigration policy that changes with the times.
Arguments that portray immigrants in general, and legalization in particular, as dangers to national
security are based on the flawed assumption that terrorist threats from abroad can be reduced by
trying to "seal the border." In fact, attempting to keep everyone out of the United States is not only
highly unrealistic in an increasingly globalized economy, but represents an inefficient and haphazard
approach to national security. By incorrectly equating immigration policy with border security, such
an approach fails to address the specific security lapses that are the true culprits in allowing terrorists
to enter the United States. National security is not enhanced by attempting to stop people from
coming to the United States, but by improving the effectiveness of background checks on those who
do.
In this regard, legalization actually would enhance national security by allowing the federal
government to keep better track of who is in the country. (22) As Representative Howard Berman
(D-26th/CA), member of the House Immigration Subcommittee, noted in an interview in early
October 2001, "an orderly program of earned adjustment, based on work history and continuity of
work, that involves stages of getting full status, lets us know who is here. When they go through a
process of adjudication, they come out of the shadows." (23)
This view was reiterated in an October 21, 2001, Chicago Tribune editorial which argued that it "will
remain far better for the economy and for national security to legalize a large part of the vast illegal
immigrant underground than to leave it lurking in the shadows." (24) Similarly, Washington Post
editors noted on November 26, 2001, that "finding ways to bring longtime illegal residents into the
sunshine and direct the flow of workers into legal channels would be another step toward getting a
better handle on who is here and who is crossing the border." (25)
In contrast to the "seal the border" approach of immigration restrictionists, experts on immigration
policy and terrorism have described concrete steps that can be taken to tighten border security
without launching an unfocused attack on immigrants as a whole. An expert panel convened by the
Migration Policy Institute on September 28, 2001, concluded that national security depends on
timely and effective intelligence gathering and information sharing, not immigration policy. (26) From
this perspective, achieving greater national security involves improving the quality of the intelligence
gathered by federal, state, and local law-enforcement agencies and the mechanisms by which these
agencies share information and coordinate their activities. Conversely, "using immigration and
border controls to stop terrorists is...a needle-in-a-haystack approach to homeland security." (27)
In a November 6, 2001, opinion piece in the Miami Herald, James Lindsay, Senior Fellow in Foreign
Policy Studies at The Brookings Institution, and Gregory Michaelidis, Senior Policy Analyst at The
Hatcher Group, noted several possible measures to enhance border security: better tracking of
individuals who overstay their visas, issuing identification documents with biometric information
about the holder (such as visas with fingerprints), and better information sharing and coordination
among federal agencies and with Mexico and Canada. They also issued a caution:
"Do not blame illegal immigrants for Sept. 11...The vast majority of people who
enter the United States illegally are simply looking to improve their lives, not to kill
Americans...we can make it harder for terrorists to enter and operate here...without
scapegoating immigrants or abandoning the freedoms worthy of a democratic
nation." (28)
Former INS Commissioner Doris Meissner, now a Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, wrote in a November 2001 policy paper that "prevention is by far the best policy
to protect the nation. In the immigration arena, visa screening abroad and admission decisions at
international ports of entry are the country's first and most important line of defense." (29) She also
cautioned against an overly broad response to the September 11 attacks that runs counter to key U.S.
values:
"Immigration lies at the core of our history and national identity, and it is a fact of
modern life and global interdependence that represents the lifeblood of our economy
and national interest. What we must not do is sacrifice our openness to the world by
shutting down immigration, nor relinquish our basic freedoms to elaborate tracking
that would, in the end, not combat terrorism effectively." (30)
Attempting to weed out foreign terrorists by trying to close the borders to all immigrants or to those
of certain nationalities is akin to never opening your front door for fear that someone might try to
rob you. It might provide you with a certain sense of security, but it would not necessarily make it
any more difficult for someone to break into your home. Rather than an unfocused and unrealistic
attempt to seal off the United States from the rest of the world, a reasoned approach to border
security would ensure that appropriate steps are taken quickly when someone who truly is dangerous
attempts to enter the country or has already done so. Legalization would be one step in this direction
by vastly reducing the "underground" of undocumented immigrants.
The recession that began in the spring of 2001 provided further ammunition to immigration
restrictionists who argue that immigrants "steal" jobs from "natives," especially at a time when jobs
are increasingly scarce. However, this fails to recognize that the rate of job loss among immigrants
during the recession has been even higher than that of natives. (31) Moreover, the labor of the many
millions of immigrants still working remains integral to the U.S. economy, even during a recession. (32)
As a result, legalization would benefit immigrants who were contributing to the U.S. economy before
the recession began and who were disproportionately hurt by its effects. In addition, the demand for
immigrant labor will increase again when the recession ends.
A January 2002 report by the Pew Hispanic Center illustrates the degree to which immigrants have
been affected by increased unemployment during the recession. The report found that not only were
Latinos among the hardest hit, but they will feel the recession's effects longer than the population
as a whole. This is due in part to the fact that many Latinos work in manufacturing, which has been
hit more severely than many other industries. The report noted that, in December 2001, layoffs in
the manufacturing sector accounted for one-fifth of Latino unemployment, as opposed to one-tenth
of unemployment for the U.S. population as a whole. (33)
Other statistics demonstrate that the contribution of immigrants to the U.S. economy cannot be
dismissed because of a temporary spike in the unemployment rate. A 2001 study by Northeastern
University's Center for Labor Market Studies estimated that the nation's 19.1 million foreign-born
workers comprised 12.8 percent of the total U.S. labor force in 1999 and 2000. (34) The Bureau of
Labor Statistics estimates that in 2001 there were14.7 million Hispanic workers in the United States,
including 9.6 million of Mexican origin, spanning all occupational categories. (35) According to a
November 26, 2001, story in Fortune Magazine, the "nation's 27.6 million legal immigrants
produced an estimated 10% of U.S. GDP [Gross Domestic Product]" in 2000, while undocumented
immigrants made an additional contribution of more than $200 billion. (36)
A transitory increase in unemployment does not negate the depth of this economic contribution. The
continued importance of immigrants in the U.S. labor force, even in the midst of a recession, was
underscored in December 2001 when the AFL-CIO reaffirmed its support of undocumented workers
by passing a resolution at its convention in Las Vegas supporting legalization. (37) According to Joel
Kotkin, Senior Fellow at Pepperdine University's Davenport Institute for Public Policy and at the
Milken Institute, the role played by immigrants in "stimulating local demand" is in fact "helping to
stave off the chill of economic hard times" for many businesses and communities around the
country. (38) As House Minority Leader Gephardt noted during an interview in late November 2001,
"the answer to our economic problems is not to refuse to go along with sensible immigration reform.
Many immigrants are still working, paying taxes and are a vibrant part of our economy who have
earned this status." (39)
Immigrants, be they undocumented or legally present, were an integral part of the U.S. economy long
before the most recent recession and will remain so long after it has passed. It is therefore illogical
to argue that the economy would somehow benefit if immigrant communities, that for generations
have contributed to the economy with their labor and their taxes, suddenly lost the right to work and
live here during a recession. This is particularly true given that immigrants are among those who
suffer the most during economic hard times.
Given the family and community ties that bind immigrants together regardless of their legal status,
policies that target undocumented immigrants inevitably affect all immigrants and their U.S.-born
children and grandchildren. Undocumented immigrants subject to deportation must either leave their
U.S.-born children behind or take them to countries they do not know, thereby depriving them of the
rights and opportunities they are due as U.S. citizens. Conversely, tightened border security
measures implemented since September 11 are discouraging immigrants, legally present and
undocumented alike, from returning home. (40)
A study by the Urban Institute of data from the 1998 Current Population Survey found that 85
percent of immigrant families were of "mixed status." That is, families "in which one or more
parents is a noncitizen and one or more children is a citizen." Looked at from a different angle, 9
percent of U.S. families with children nationwide were of mixed status. This figure rose to 14
percent in New York and over 25 percent in California. (A 1995 Urban Institute study found that
37.3 percent of New York households headed by undocumented immigrants included at least one
"native" and that 18.5 percent of household members - mostly children - were U.S. natives. (41)) As
a result, the study concluded, "most policies that advantage or disadvantage noncitizens are likely
to have broad spillover effects on the citizen children who live in the great majority of immigrant
families." Laws that limit "undocumented immigrants' ability to adjust from illegal to legal status
could effectively perpetuate certain mixed-status families" by "freezing a growing number of parents
and children into differing statuses." While "policies that make it easier to remove or deport illegal
and legal immigrants" might reduce illegal immigration, "they do so at the expense of family
unity." (42)
The study also found that mixed-status families "represent 40 percent of low-income families with
children in California and 20 percent of such families in New York state" and that roughly "three-fifths of low-income children in Los Angeles and one-third of low-income children in New York
City live in mixed-status families." This has particularly important implications for the distribution
of welfare benefits to the needy U.S.-citizen children of undocumented immigrants. Because of their
parents' illegal status, these children suffer from greatly reduced access to public assistance programs
and health insurance coverage to which they are legally entitled. (43)
Legalization would address a significant anti-child, anti-family tendency in current U.S. immigration
policy. By preserving the unity of immigrant families, legalization would prevent the U.S.- born
children of undocumented immigrants from either being torn from their parents or removed from the
country and deprived of their rights as citizens. Legalization therefore represents a humane way to
avoid punishing U.S.-citizen children for the undocumented immigration status of their parents.
A common argument against legalization is that it would reward those immigrants who broke the
law by entering undocumented into the United States at the expense of those who "played by the
rules," submitted visa applications, and waited their turn in the midst of huge backlogs. However,
this argument doesn't consider the heart-wrenching effects of the backlogs that cause many people
to choose the riskier path of migrating without documentation. In addition, it incorrectly assumes
that a legalization program would be implemented without regard to those who have been "waiting
in line."
The limitations placed by current immigration law upon family reunification actually encourage
unauthorized immigration. Due to limits imposed on the family-sponsored preference system, which
was set at 226,000 for Fiscal Year (FY) 2001, as of December 6, 2001, the spouses and children of
lawful permanent residents of the United States faced at least a 5-year wait in reuniting with their
loved ones. Mexican residents faced at least a 7-year wait. Waiting times for the brothers and sisters
of lawful permanent residents reached more than 20 years in some cases. (44)
Senator Sam Brownback (R-KS), ranking Republican on the Senate Immigration Subcommittee,
commented during a September 7, 2001, hearing of the Senate Judiciary Committee upon the
relationship between the immense waiting times and undocumented migration:
"We should open up family and business-based immigration to address presently
massive backlogs. Illegal immigration is symptomatic of a system that fails to
reunify families and address economic needs in the U.S. To ensure a rational and fair
system, we must reduce bureaucratic obstacles and undue restriction to permanent
legal immigration." (45)
An effective legalization program would encompass all immigrants who have suffered as a result
of unacceptably long backlogs and the unrealistic limits placed upon the family-preference system.
Such a program easily could be designed to first benefit those waiting in line and then address the
plight of undocumented immigrants.
Legalization opponents often point to the 1986 "amnesty" to make the case that legalization only
encourages further undocumented immigration. Following the legalization program implemented
by the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986, which provided lawful permanent
residence to about 3 million immigrants, the 1990s witnessed the largest wave of immigration in
U.S. history. (46) However, in contrast with the 1986 law, an effective legalization program would be
implemented in conjunction with other policies designed to address the forces that lead to
undocumented migration in the first place. This might involve measures such as an expansion in the
availability of legal visas for employment and family reunification, and investment in economic
development projects in Mexico, particularly in the most impoverished communities from which
large numbers of undocumented immigrants originate. (47) The U.S.-Mexico Migration Panel, for
instance, recommended in a 2001 study that immigration reform include not only increasing the
availability of legal status for undocumented immigrants, but also increasing the availability of work
visas, cracking down on immigrant smuggling, and strengthening the Mexican economy, thereby
reducing "migration pressures." (48)
In contrast to the one-time opportunity for legalization offered in 1986, policymakers have proposed
a gradual process of "earned legalization" though which immigrants could become legal permanent
residents of the United States by meeting a combination of qualifying criteria such as years of stable
employment and payment of taxes, degree of English proficiency, and the establishment of family
and community ties. The Bush administration has discussed the possibility of such a program, under
which immigrants would earn "green card points" based on the number of years they have worked
and paid taxes in the United States. (49)
Support for an earned legalization program had grown considerably prior to September 11. Senator
Brownback stated during a September 7, 2001, Senate Judiciary Committee hearing that "we need
an earned 'regularization' for undocumented people who work, pay taxes, contribute to their
communities, and seek American citizenship. Such people should be given the opportunity to obtain
permanent residence, instead of being forced outside the boundaries of the law." (50)
During the same hearing, Thomas Donohue, President and CEO of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,
argued that "we believe that those who have already demonstrated their commitment to the United
States by living here, working and paying taxes, should have a means by which they can earn
permanent residence. There are many possible ways to accomplish this that are being discussed by
the policy-makers; but we simply want to ensure that some of our best workers can stay and continue
their contributions to their employers and communities." (51)
Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA), Chairman of the Senate Immigration Subcommittee, has
proposed a broader immigration reform package that includes raising the caps on family and
employment visas (possibly exempting Canada and Mexico from the caps entirely); repealing the
3 and 10-year bars to re-entry to the United States currently imposed on undocumented immigrants;
exempting the immediate relatives of legal residents and naturalized citizens from "public charge"
requirements in obtaining visas; extending section 245(i) of the Immigration and Nationality Act
(INA), under which some undocumented immigrants can legalize their status while remaining in the
United States; and restoring the due process rights that were taken away from immigrants under 1996
laws. (52)
A comprehensive legalization program would establish a legalization process, rather than grant a
blanket "amnesty" to however many undocumented immigrants happen to be present in the United
States on a particular date. Such a program thus would take account of the economic forces and the
family and community ties that drive immigration in the first place. This would likely reduce, not
increase, levels of undocumented migration over time
By definition, it is extremely difficult to document the economic contributions of undocumented
immigrant workers. However, enough evidence is available to conclude that undocumented
immigrants make vital economic contributions in terms of the jobs they fill and the taxes they pay.
The strongest evidence of this is found in California, where the largest populations of both
undocumented and legal immigrants reside.
Undocumented workers have become an integral part of many industries across the country,
including agriculture, textiles, apparel, meatpacking, and poultry processing. (53) An analysis of data
from the Department of Labor's National Agricultural Worker Survey by the North American
Integration and Development (NAID) Center at the University of California in Los Angeles found
that the percentage of undocumented workers in the farm labor force nationwide rose from 17
percent in 1990 to 52 percent in 1998. (54) The National Population Council of Mexico has found that
Mexican migrants to the United States are increasingly urban, better educated, settling in states other
than California, and employed in the commercial and service sectors of the U.S. economy, as
opposed to just agriculture. (55)
An August 2001 NAID Center study estimated that undocumented immigrants from Mexico
contributed $154 billion to the U.S. GDP in 2000, including $77 billion to the Gross State Product
of California, assuming the presence of 3 million undocumented Mexican immigrants nationwide.
Using a higher estimate of 4.5 million undocumented Mexican immigrants, their contribution to the
GDP rose to $220 billion. If undocumented Mexican immigrants were to have suddenly
disappeared, U.S. economic output would have declined by $155 billion. Moreover, if the United
States rather than Mexico had to educate undocumented workers from Mexico, "it would cost the
United States more than $17 billion more per year." (56)
Earlier studies reached similar conclusions. The NAID Center and the Center for Human Rights
and Constitutional Law estimated that undocumented immigrants contributed about 7 percent, or $63
billion, of California's $900 billion Gross State Product in 1995. In addition, "large parts of
California's economy - in particular agriculture and the garment industry - would simply not be
viable without undocumented workers." (57) Based on a 1994 survey in Los Angeles County, a
University of California study estimated that undocumented workers comprised 19 percent of farm,
forestry & fishing workers; 17 percent of construction laborers; 13 percent of machine operators; 10
percent of food service workers; 8 percent of private household workers; 6 percent of cleaning and
building maintenance workers; and 6 percent of computer equipment operators. (58)
Undocumented immigrants also contribute billions of dollars in income, property and sales taxes,
although it is difficult to quantify the amount. A January 2001 report by the Social Security
Administration concluded that undocumented immigrants "account for a major portion" of the more
than $20 billion paid to Social Security between 1990 and 1998 that payees can never draw upon
because the payments took place under names or Social Security numbers that don't match the
agency's records. Such payments totaled almost $4 billion in 1998. (59) The Urban Institute calculated
that in 1995 undocumented immigrants in New York alone contributed over $1.1 billion in taxes. (60)
Undocumented immigrants have become indispensable engines of economic growth in many
industries and states. Their contributions are amplified due to the fact that most pay taxes but can
not receive the benefits for which those taxes pay. This is particularly important in the case of the financially beleaguered Social Security trust fund, upon which so many of us will one day rely.
Arguments against legalization of undocumented immigrants often overlook the fact that immigrants
cannot be neatly divided into those who are undocumented and those who are not. In reality, the
lives of immigrants who are undocumented, legal permanent residents, and U.S. citizens are
inextricably intertwined through family and community relationships. As a result, it is rather
unrealistic to consider the economic contributions of the undocumented apart from the contributions
of their legally present relatives.
In this regard, it is important to note that the many studies purporting to calculate the net "costs" of
immigrants to the U.S. economy frequently suffer from one or more of three fatal flaws. First, such
studies often do not account for the fact that the income levels and, therefore, the tax contributions
of costly newcomers increase over time, while their use of public assistance declines. Secondly,
these studies often impose a highly artificial distinction between the economic contributions of
immigrants and "natives." Defying logic, the studies frequently count as "native" economic
contributions the activities of second- and third-generation family members who would not exist if
not for their foreign-born parents or grandparents. As a result, more often than not these studies
underestimate the economic contributions of immigrant families and communities as a whole. Third,
such studies usually rely on comparisons of what immigrants "consume" in public benefits vs. what
they pay in taxes, without considering other economic contributions such as consumer buying power
and the formation of businesses, both of which create jobs. When these various factors are taken into
account, immigrants emerge as net contributors to the U.S. economy.
The National Research Council estimated that immigrants added $14 billion to the GDP in 1997.
At an individual level, immigrants contributed about $80,000 per person more in taxes during their
lifetimes than they received in public benefits. Specifically, they made a net contribution of
$105,000 to the federal government and imposed a net deficit of $25,000 on state and local
governments. State and local governments come up short because they are responsible for providing
most benefits even though the federal government takes about two-thirds of tax dollars. In addition,
state and local governments tend to provide costly benefits early in life (such as education) that are
"paid off" later when a person begins working, while the federal government tends to collect taxes
first and provide benefits (such as Medicare, Social Security, and pensions) about 30 years later. (61)
A 1998 report by the National Immigration Forum and the Cato Institute concluded that "in their first
low-earning years in the United States, immigrants typically are net drains on the public coffers, but
over time - usually after 10 to 15 years in the United States - they turn into net contributors." The
report found that immigrant households and businesses paid $162 billion in taxes to federal, state,
and local governments in 1997. Moreover, given the younger age profile of immigrants, the study
estimated that "the total net benefit (taxes paid over benefits received) to the Social Security system
in today's dollars from continuing current levels of immigration is nearly $500 billion for the
1998-2022 period." (62) Similarly, a 1994 Urban Institute study found that, between 1970 and 1992,
immigrants made a net tax contribution of $25-30 billion. (63) A 2001 report by the Urban Institute also
found that "by the second generation, immigrants overall end up doing as well as, or in some
instances, better than third generation non-Hispanic white natives in terms of their: educational
attainment; labor force participation; wages; and household income." (64)
A January 2001 study by the University of Southern California reached a similar conclusion.
According to the study, because "new immigrant arrivals have much higher poverty rates than those
residing for more than 10 years, the rapid increase in new arrivals pushed up the overall poverty rates
of the foreign born" in California during the 1990s. However, the poverty rate among immigrants
in California is already beginning to decline as their income levels rise over time. (65)
An analysis of data from the 1990 Census by the National Immigration Forum revealed more indirect
indicators of immigrants' improved standard of living and greater integration into U.S. society over
time. The study found that 60.9 percent of immigrants "lived in owner-occupied housing" within
20 years after arriving in the United States; 76.3 percent "spoke English with high proficiency"
within 10 years after arriving; and 76.4 percent had become naturalized citizens within 40 years of
arrival. (66)
A 1999 report by the U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA) measured the entrepreneurial
contribution of immigrants to the U.S. economy. The report found that between 1988 and 1998 the
number of "self-employed" Asians increased by 56.5 percent, Hispanics by 30.1 percent, and whites
1.1 percent. Given that whites made up 90.4 percent of the self-employed in 1998, and that the
number of self-employed individuals nationwide increased by 3.9 percent, the impact of immigrant
entrepreneurs was dramatic. The report also found that between 1987 and 1997 the number of
Hispanic-owned businesses increased by 232 percent and Asian-owned businesses by 180 percent.
In 1997, Asian-owned businesses generated $275 billion in revenue and employed 1,917,244 people.
Hispanic-owned businesses generated $184 billion and employed 1,492,773 people. (67)
Immigrant communities also create jobs through their enormous purchasing power. According to
a study by the Selig Center for Economic Growth at the University of Georgia, the buying power of
Latinos in 2001 stood at $452.4 billion (a 118 percent increase over 1990) and of Asians at $253.8
billion (a 124.8 percent increase over 1990). These figures are based on lower estimates of the
immigrant population prior to the 2000 Census, so the true level of purchasing power is no doubt
higher. (68)
The importance of immigrant contributions to the U.S. economy has been recognized by prominent
individuals not traditionally associated with immigrant advocacy. During questioning before the
House Financial Services Committee in July 2001, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan
stated:
"I've always argued that this country has benefitted immensely from the fact that we
draw people from all over the world. And the average immigrant comes from a less
benign environment, and indeed that's the reason they've come here. And I think
they appreciate the benefits of this country more than those of us who were born here.
And it shows in their entrepreneurship, their enterprise and their willingness to do the
types of work that makes this economy function. And I would be very distressed if
we were to try to shut our doors to immigration in this country." (69)
A similar point was also made in a January 2000 Washington Times opinion piece by Josette Shiner,
president of Empower America, the conservative public policy organization co-founded by 1996
Republican Vice Presidential candidate Jack Kemp. According to Shiner, "the view that the main
contribution made by immigrants is stealing menial labor jobs from Americans is simply wrong.
More than a third of the high-tech engineers and scientists driving innovation in Silicon Valley today
are immigrants." (70)
Immigrants contribute hundreds of billions of dollars to the U.S. economy each year through their
labor, businesses, taxes, and purchasing power. Without these contributions, many industries, states,
and regional economies would be devastated and the financial well-being of the entire nation would
suffer. As a result, immigrants have earned the right to build lives in the United States and, when
hard times hit, to draw upon the benefits for which their taxes pay.
Undocumented workers are particularly vulnerable to exploitation and abuse at the hands of
unscrupulous employers who use fear of deportation among workers and their family members as
a weapon to impose illegally low pay and hazardous working conditions and to disrupt union drives.
Legalization would remove this threat, thereby making it more difficult for employers to skirt
minimum wage and occupational safety laws. Opponents of immigration, who fear that the
proliferation of immigrant workers will precipitate a "rush to the bottom" in terms of wages and
working conditions, overlook the fact that legalization of undocumented immigrants would actually
favor higher pay and better conditions for all workers in immigrant-heavy industries.
A 2001 report by the NAID Center estimated that the wages of immigrant workers would rise 15
percent following legalization of undocumented immigrants, as occurred following the last
legalization program in 1986. This in turn would decrease the demand for immigrant workers,
reducing the "pull" of the U.S. labor market for further undocumented migration. The report
concluded that a "legalization of both the stock and future flow of migrants would enhance the
ability of immigrant workers to assert their rights, join unions, and move across jobs," which would
"reduce the demand for total immigration via increases in wages in the traditionally high exploitation
labor market segments." (71)
Nowhere would such a result be more welcome than in the agricultural workforce, which in 1998
was 81 percent foreign born, 77 percent Mexican, and 52 percent undocumented. (72) A 2000 Human
Rights Watch report found that even immigrant agricultural laborers who are legally present in the
United States as "guestworkers" are subject to extremely harsh conditions due to their noncitizen
status. According to the report, the average yearly income of an adult farmworker in 1999 was less
than $7,500. Agricultural workers also lack health benefits even though they are prone to repetitive
motion injuries and illnesses due to pesticide exposure. In addition, under the Fair Labor Standards
Act, children as young as 12 years old can work unlimited hours in the fields regardless of whether
or not they are U.S. citizens. (73) Legalization of undocumented immigrants would greatly increase the
ability of farmworkers to organize and thereby improve their wages and working conditions.
Being an undocumented immigrant in the workplace can also prove fatal. The Bureau of Labor
Statistics found that Hispanic workers suffered an on-the-job death rate 20 percent higher than that
of whites or blacks. From 1996 to 1999, the number of Hispanic construction workers increased by
20-30 percent, while the number who died in workplace accidents rose 68 percent. The
undocumented status of many workers was one reason for the more hazardous working conditions
and the higher death rate confronted by Hispanic workers. (74)
By removing the threat of deportation from the hands of unscrupulous employers, legalization would
enable currently undocumented workers, or those with undocumented immigrant family members,
to organize in defense of their rights. This would serve to expand the reach of labor and
occupational safety laws, thereby improving the working conditions, standards of living, and
opportunities for upward mobility among all workers in industries that employ large numbers of
immigrants.
Legalization would promote economic development and political stability in Mexico and Central
America in two ways. First, legalization would forestall the return of undocumented immigrants to
countries that lack the jobs and infrastructure to absorb more people. This is particularly important
in the case of Central America, where national economies remain in tatters as a result of recent
natural disasters and the lingering effects of long civil wars. Secondly, legalization would ensure
the continued flow of billions of dollars in remittances sent by immigrants living in the United States
to their home countries. Remittances are vital to the economic and political stability of receiving
countries. In addition, the investment of these remittances in local economic development projects
offers the promise of reducing the dire poverty that causes migrants to leave their homes in the first
place. (75)
According to a 2001 report by the Inter-American Development Bank, nations in Latin America and
the Caribbean received $20 billion in remittances from immigrants living abroad, primarily in the
United States, in 2000 alone. Remittances constituted 17 percent of the Gross Domestic Product in
Haiti; 14.4 percent in Nicaragua; 12.6 percent in El Salvador; 11.7 percent in Jamaica; and 10
percent in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador. In Mexico, which accounted for 39 percent of all
remittances in the region, remittances totaled $6.8 billion in 1999 and "exceed 160% of the
agricultural exports, equal tourism revenues," and "are more than two-thirds of the oil exports." El
Salvador received $1.58 billion in remittances in 1999 and "is relying on remittances to sustain its
economy." The report estimated that, "at current growth rates, cumulative remittances to Latin
America and the Caribbean for the coming decade (2001-2010) will reach more than $300 billion." (76)
The Mexican President's Office for Mexicans Abroad estimated that remittances from its immigrants
totaled $9.8 billion in 2001. (77)
Legalization would also bring consistency to the currently conflicted economic and immigration
policies of the United States. U.S. immigration policy has yet to adjust to the fact that U.S.
economic policies such as NAFTA have facilitated rapidly growing interdependence between
Mexico and the United States. Mexico is now the United States' second-largest trading partner. It
is illogical to ease the flow of capital and commodities across borders while trying to prevent the
corresponding flow of people. As the experience of the European Union has illustrated, the two go
hand-in-hand.
A 2001 report by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace described this contradiction:
"In a process accelerated by NAFTA, the United States and Mexico have
intentionally sought to deepen levels of economic integration and interdependence.
However, conflict is generated by the fact that on the one hand, the free flow of
capital, goods, and services has been institutionalized and expanded, and on the other
hand, the flow of labor has been the subject of massive enforcement efforts and legal
restrictions. If the United states and Mexico wish to reduce significantly the strain
on their extraordinarily positive progress on integration, they must appreciate that it
will be increasingly difficult to be partners on economic issues and antagonists on
migration issues." (78)
Similarly, the Director of the Mexican American Studies and Research Center at the University of
Arizona argued in a July 26, 2001, opinion piece that
"it is shocking that strong proponents of the North American Free Trade Agreement
like Rep. Jim Kolbe, R-Ariz., and Sen. Phil Gramm, R-Texas, would suggest that any
amnesty program rewards 'lawlessness.' After all, their vocal support of NAFTA
provided the basis for the flow of free trade in this area, making the border one of the
fastest-growing regions for the United States and Mexico. This stimulus provided
further pull for Mexicans to migrate north with greater opportunities for employment.
Clearly the next logical step in developing NAFTA is to support a free trade policy
in U.S. and Mexican labor markets." (79)
Free trade in labor is a natural counterpart to free trade in goods and services. Restrictionist
immigration policies that discourage the movement of workers across national borders undermine
economic policies designed to increase trade across those same borders. Legalization would be one
means of reducing this contradiction between the immigration and trade policies of the United States.
The ongoing discussions between the U.S. and Mexican governments on migration and border issues
offer an historic opportunity to reform U.S. immigration policy. A comprehensive legalization
program should be an integral part of this reform effort. Despite the dire warnings of opponents, a
legalization program for the undocumented would in fact yield benefits at many levels:
- Legalization would enhance national security by bringing undocumented immigrants "out
of the shadows";
- Legalization would benefit immigrants who are already productive members of U.S. society
and would therefore not result in immigrants "stealing" jobs from the native born;
- Legalization would first help those immigrants trapped in INS backlogs;
- Legalization would preserve family unity and enable the U.S.-born children of undocumented
immigrants to receive the benefits to which they are entitled;
- Legalization would provide legal recognition of the indispensable contributions
undocumented immigrants long have made to the United States through their labor, their
taxes, their businesses, and their buying power;
- Legalization would elevate wages and working conditions for all workers in numerous
industries;
- Legalization would help ensure the stability and development of the nations from which
undocumented immigrants come; and
- Legalization would bring harmony to U.S. immigration and economic policies.
1. Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani, "Address to the United Nations General Assembly on Combatting Terrorism," October 1, 2001.
2. Associated Press / Dow Jones Newswires, "U.S. Senate Subcommittee Hears Immigration Testimony," October 17, 2001.
3. Daniel T. Griswold, "We must not close our doors to immigrants," The Bergen Record (New Jersey), September 28, 2001.
4. Speech of John Paul II to the Fourth World Congress on the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Refugees, October 9, 1998, as
reprinted in L'Osservatore Romano, November 4, 1998, N. 44.
5. U.S. Bishops' Committee on Migration, One Family Under God, Publication No. 5-270, U.S. Catholic Conference,
September 1995, p. 22.
6. John Paul II, Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, Section 39; as reprinted in Origins 17(38), March 3, 1988.
7. John Paul II, Centisimus Annus, 1991, Section 51.
8. U.S. Catholic Bishops, Unity in Diversity. Washington, DC: United States Catholic Conference, November 2000.
9. See Laborem Exercems (On Human Work). Washington, D.C. : United States Catholic Conference, 1981, p. 23.
10. Thomas B. Edsall & Cheryl W. Thompson, "Alliance Forms on Immigrant Policies," Washington Post, August 7, 2001.
11. White House, Office of the Press Secretary, "Remarks by the President and Secretary Rumsfeld in Announcement of
Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff," Crawford, Texas, August 24, 2001.
12. Jerry Kammer and Sergio Bustos, "Bush talks frankly on immigration," Arizona Republic, September 5, 2001.
13. Washington Post, "A Chance and a Challenge," August 23, 2001.
14. Chicago Tribune, "Limited amnesty for immigrants," August 6, 2001.
15. New York Times, "Rethinking Mexican Immigration," July 23, 2001.
16. D'Vera Cohn, "Census Response Rate Slightly Higher Than in 1990," Washington Post, September 19, 2000.
17. Associated Press, "Illegal Immigrant Population Doubled," New York Times, January 23, 2002.
18. Mary Jordan & Kevin Sullivan, "U.S. and Mexico to Resume Talks on Immigration Policy," Washington Post, November
15, 2001.
19. Associated Press, "Leading Democrats Show Their Support for Open Borders, Immigration Reform," Wall Street Journal,
November 18, 2001.
20. Ginger Thompson, "Top Democrats Politic Through Rural Mexico," New York Times, November 19, 2001.
21. Michael Barone, "The Future Fabric of the New America," Orlando Sentinel, July 8, 2001.
22. Eduardo Porter, "Immigration Reformers Adjust Arguments To Incorporate National-Security Interests," Wall Street
Journal, September 27, 2001.
23. Washington Post & Knight-Ridder Newspapers, "Immigration policy, once a target for liberalization, is cast in a new light,"
Seattle Times, October 18, 2001.
24. Chicago Tribune, "Immigration in the wake of terror," October 21, 2001.
25. Washington Post, "Return to Immigration Reform," November 26, 2001.
26. Migration Policy Institute Briefing on "Immigration and National Security: Threats and Shadows," Washington, DC,
September 28, 2001.
27. Migration Policy Institute, Immigration and National Security. Washington, DC, September 28, 2001.
28. James M. Lindsay & Gregory Michaelidis, "Immigration change," Miami Herald, November 6, 2001.
29. Doris Meissner, "After the Attacks: Protecting Borders and Liberties," Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Policy
Brief # 8, November 2001.
30. Ibid.
31. Rene Sanchez, "Illegal Immigrants Feel Attacks' Economic Fallout," Washington Post, October 19, 2001.
Deborah Kong, "Blacks, Hispanics particularly hurt by economic downturn," San Francisco Chronicle, January 9, 2002.
32. John Simons, "The New Future: Immigration," Fortune Magazine, November 26, 2001.
33. Roberto Suro & B. Lindsay Lowell, New Lows From New Highs: Latino Economic Losses in the Current Recession. Pew
Hispanic Center, January 24, 2002.
34. Andrew Sum, et al., Foreign Immigration and Its Contribution to Population and Labor Force Growth in Massachusetts and
the U.S.: A Recent Assessment of 2000 Census and CPS Survey Findings. Boston, MA: Center for Labor Market Studies,
Northeastern University, December 2001.
35. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey, Tables from Employment and Earnings, Table #13: "Employed
Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban-origin workers by sex, occupation, class of worker, and full- or part-time status,"
Washington, DC, January 2002.
36. John Simons, "The New Future: Immigration," Fortune Magazine, November 26, 2001.
37. Associated Press, "Labor leaders back ambitious goals, but recession, internal friction complicate," Daily Herald (Chicago),
December 7, 2001.
38. Joel Kotkin, "Immigrants Cushion The Economic Fall," Wall Street Journal, January 17, 2002.
39. Dena Bunis, "Immigration amnesty may only be put off," Orange County Register, November 30, 2001.
40. Teresa Puente, "Mexicans rethink holiday visits home," Chicago Tribune, December 18, 2001.
Kris Axtman, "Talk of amnesty for illegal immigrants virtually halts," Christian Science Monitor, November 9, 2001.
41. Jeffrey S. Passel & Rebecca L. Clark, Immigrants in New York: Their Legal Status, Incomes, and Taxes. Washington, DC:
Urban Institute, April 1998.
42. Michael Fix & Wendy Zimmermann, All under One Roof: Mixed-Status Families in an Era of Reform. Washington, DC:
Urban Institute, June 1999.
43. Ibid.
44. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Consular Affairs, "Visa Bulletin," No. 40, Vol. VIII, January 2002.
45. "Statement of Senator Sam Brownback," Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing: U.S.-Mexico Migration Discussions: An
Historic Opportunity, September 7, 2001.
46. Demetrios Papademetriou, "U.S. Immigration: Fact, Fear and Fantasy," Foreign Service Journal, June 2001.
47. Demetrios G. Papademetriou, "We Need a Fresh Start on Immigration: The old policies don't work," Los Angeles Times,
September 4, 2001.
Robert A. Pastor, "Bush's North American Agenda," Washington Post, September 4, 2001.
48. U.S.-Mexico Migration Panel, Mexico-U.S. Migration: A Shared Responsibility. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, 2001.
49. Laurie Goering, "Bush considering green card 'points': Mexicans paying taxes could stay," Chicago Tribune, August 22,
2001.
50. "Statement of Senator Sam Brownback," Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing: U.S.-Mexico Migration Discussions: An
Historic Opportunity, September 7, 2001.
51. Thomas Donohue, "Statement on U.S.-Mexico Migration Discussions: An Historic Opportunity Before the U.S. Senate
Committee on the Judiciary," Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing: U.S.-Mexico Migration Discussions: An Historic
Opportunity, September 7, 2001.
52. "Remarks of Senator Edward M. Kennedy," Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing: U.S.-Mexico Migration Discussions: An
Historic Opportunity, September 7, 2001.
53. Laura Parker, "USA just wouldn't work without immigrant labor," USA Today, July 23, 2001.
54. David Runsten, Raúl Hinojosa, Kathleen Lee & Richard Mines, The Extent, Pattern, and Contributions of Migrant Labor
in the NAFTA Countries: An Overview. Los Angeles, CA: North American Integration and Development Center, University of
California at Los Angeles, February 2000.
55. Mark Fineman, "Mexico Redraws Faces of Migrants," Los Angeles Times, July 11, 2001.
56. Raúl Hinojosa Ojeda, Comprehensive Migration Policy Reform in North America: The Key to Sustainable and Equitable
Economic Integration. Los Angeles, CA: North American Integration and Development Center, School of Public Policy and
Social Research, University of California, Los Angeles, August 2001.
57. Raúl Hinojosa & Peter Schey, "The Faulty Logic of the Anti-Immigration Rhetoric," Report on the Americas, Vol. 29,
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58. Enrico Marcelli, "Informal Employment in California," in Paul Ong and Jim Lincoln, editors, The State of California
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59. Mary Beth Sheridan, "Illegals Paying Millions in Taxes," Washington Post, April 15, 2001.
60. Jeffrey S. Passel & Rebecca L. Clark, Immigrants in New York: Their Legal Status, Incomes, and Taxes. Washington, DC:
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62. Stephen Moore, A Fiscal Portrait of the Newest Americans. Washington, DC: National Immigration Forum and Cato
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63. Michael Fix & Jeffrey S. Passel, Immigration and Immigrants: Setting the Record Straight. Washington, DC: Urban
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64. Michael Fix, Wendy Zimmermann & Jeffrey S. Passel, The Integration of Immigrant Families in the United States.
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65. Dowell Myers & John Pitkin. Demographic Futures for California: Projections 1970 to 2020 that Include a Growing
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66. Gregory Rodriguez, From Newcomers to New Americans: The Successful Integration of Immigrants. Washington, DC:
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67. U.S. Small Business Administration, Minorities in Business. Washington, DC, 1999.
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69. Response by Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan During Questioning by Representative Luis Gutierrez, House
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70. Bonnie Erbe & Josette Shiner, "Reforming immigration laws," Washington Times, January 30, 2000.
71. Raúl Hinojosa Ojeda, Comprehensive Migration Policy Reform in North America: The Key to Sustainable and Equitable
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Social Research, University of California, Los Angeles, August 2001.
72. David Runsten, Raúl Hinojosa, Kathleen Lee & Richard Mines, The Extent, Pattern, and Contributions of Migrant Labor
in the NAFTA Countries: An Overview. Los Angeles, CA: North American Integration and Development Center, University of
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73. Human Rights Watch, Fingers To The Bone: United States Failure to Protect Child Farmworkers. New York, NY: June
2000.
74. Steven Greenhouse, "Hispanic Workers Die at Higher Rate," New York Times, July 16, 2001.
75. James F. Smith, "Job Programs Aim to Curb Migrant Flows," Los Angeles Times, August 20, 2001.
76. Inter-American Development Bank, Remittances to Latin America and the Caribbean: Comparative Statistics. Washington,
DC: May 2001.
77. Associated Press, "Remittances from Mexicans abroad rising," June 5, 2001.
78. U.S.-Mexico Migration Panel, Mexico-U.S. Migration: A Shared Responsibility. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment
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79. Adela de la Torre, "Bush-Fox amnesty idea is right step," Arizona Republic, July 26, 2001.